According november (polish independence day) since 2010. It’s one

            According to recent poll1
there are no right-wing extremist parties in Poland, with significant support
(over 1%). Only visible political party considered to be right-wing extremists
is National Movment, with five seats in lower house of polish parliament. There
are other less significant far-right parties and societies like: National
Revival of Poland, Slavic Union or National Radical Camp.

            In the center of their programe National
Movment places well-being polish nation, it’s security and independance. NM
opinion on economy is a combination of economic freedom and state subsidiarism.
NM consider itself eurosceptic and is opposed to the idea of united Europe.
They support polish minorities in eastern Europe, and want to popularize polish
historical achivements2.
They don’t want african and middle eastern refugees in Poland and don’t agree
with gender ideology. NM supports catholic church and accepts it as main polish
religion but promotes separation of state and church.

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            Polish nationalists are best known
from Independence March, which takes place on 11th november (polish
independence day) since 2010. It’s one of the biggest manifestations in Poland,
in 2017 there were about 60,000 of participants. Appearance of Independence
March varies between left and right-wing media. Krytyka polityczna – left-wing
intelectual journal named all march participants fascists and racist3.
Independence March has a long history of racist incidents, although the
organizers condemn such behavior, and emphasize that those incidents are both
marginal and condemned by mainstream participants. The guardian also mentions
racist and antisemitic behavior4,
focusing on relationship between nationalists and government. According to
Matthew Taylor the ruling conservative party encourages racist behavior by
naming participants of the march “patriots” when they really should be called
fascist5.
On the other hand organizers of the Independence March and most of the
right-winged media name march: “the biggest patriotic event in europe”6.
Conservative media welcomed very warmly motto of 2017 march: “We want God”,
conservative journal Polonia Christiana defended Independence March comparing
participants to polish soldiers fighting with communists in 1920 and with
Ottoman empire in Vienna7.
Polonia Christiana stated that Poland is traditionaly catholic and belongs to christianic
european culture.

            Another well-known initiative was a
happening organized by National Radical Camp in Katowice. Portraits of six
polish members of european parliament were hanged on gallows. It refers to
tradition of hanging portraits of traitors. Nationalists claim that this
happening is a form of art, and they had a right to do it, left-wing media
identified it with death threats, even president of european parliament Antonio
Tajani intervened and asked polish prime minister Beata Szyd?o for protection
of “hanged”8.  Polish minister of justice Zbigniew Ziobro
acused opposition of escalating conflict, quoting some slogans that according
to him incited this behavior9.

            Polish nationalists were also very
visible during the series of protest after premiere of a theatre play “Kl?twa”.
Director Oliver Frlji? was accused of offense of religious feelings, many
catholics including far-right nationalists considered it blasphemus. Members of
National Radical Camp, National Movement and catholic youth organizations begun
protest, blocking entrance to the theatre. The right-wing media named it
protection of traditional values and crusade against blasphenemy10.
While left-wing media defended Frlji?, focusing mostly on freedom of art and
emphasized that “Kl?twa” was written by Wy?pa?ski – a well-known polish
patriotic artist11.

            Polish far-right movements are not
in a strong political position. Although they are active and visible in polish
mass-media, their controversial actions are broadly commented by right- and
left-wing media. Most of the time they are too radical for both sides, but
sometimes they are used by bigger organizations to achieve certain goals. It
happened with the “Kl?twa” play, polish far-right and conservative
organizations protested together, but when it became too radical only
nationalists were blaimed. It seems that their role in politics is reduced to
protests, and radical happenings, no stable electorate could be gained by these
means.

1Grzybowski
Krzysztof, Sonda? poparcia dla partii:
Zaskakuj?cy wynik SLD, spadek Nowoczesnej.

2 Bosak Krzysztof, Historia
marszu niepodleg?o?ci.

3Majmurek Jakub, Kochaj?ce
rodziny z dziecmi, czyli jak oswoili?my faszyzm.

4 Taylor Matthew,
‘White
Europe’: 60,000 nationalists march on Poland’s independence day.

5 Ibidem.

6 Bosak
Krzysztof, op.cit. .

7 Kolanek Tomasz,
„My chcemy
Boga” has?em Marszu Niepodleg?o?ci. „Anty-faszy?ci” oburzeni.op.
cit. .

8Gzell Tomasz, Zdj?cia spektaklu „Kl?twa”
domagali si? w sobot? przed Teatrem Powszechnym dzia?acze ?rodowisk narodowych.

9Furgo Grzegorz, Portrety europos?ów PO na
szubienicach. Ziobro: Pami?tam zdj?cia kaczki z przystawion? dubeltówk?

10 Gzell Tomasz, op.
cit..

11Furgo Grzegorz, op. cit..